白芳礼,2005年9月23日逝世，他的事件感动了中国人民，可却没能感动央视和XX们。这是时代的耻辱和悲哀，也是民族的耻辱和悲哀。

 

（联合早报网讯）台湾联合新闻网报道，大陆毒奶粉事件持续扩大，经过大陆当局连日缉查，毒奶粉祸首指向未受监管的奶站。大陆媒体更惊爆，除三聚氰胺外，奶站老板还会在收来的牛奶里，添加乳清粉、双氧水、脂肪油等各种化学添加剂，以期降低成本和通过检测。

Crime Rate Remains at 2003 Level, Study Says

Justice Department Statistics at Lowest Mark Since 1973

Associated Press
Monday, September 26, 2005; Page A02

 

More than 200 years ago, Napoleon Bonaparte reportedly said that China is like a sleeping dog: Do not wake her; for when she wakes, the world will tremble.

These days there can be no mistake: China is at long last waking from centuries of slumber. And what is our response? We tremble at what we see, or we condemn it. The shoddily built schools. The riots in Tibet. The recalled toys. The fog of pollution. The reports of  human-rights abuses.  

China is getting terrible press these days, and understandably so. Yet I have been an admirer of China and the Chinese since I started going there in the cold, gray days of the late 1970s, when Mao was still in power. I have in particular admired the ability of the people to persevere in the face of adversity. Fifteen or so years ago, I met a young woman deep in China’s western desert, and her story distills for me all that is good about the land they still call the Middle Kingdom.

It began with a train. I lived in Hong Kong, and my friend George and I were going to Siberia. We thought it would be fun to travel by train. Its route crossed one of the most inhospitable deserts in the world—a hot, vast place whose name, Taklamakan, means “You go in and you can’t get out.” 

A few miles into our journey, the sand began, then all we could see were dunes. Two hours in,   the train abruptly stopped. There was nothing: no city, no buildings, very few people. We were to wait here for half an hour, said the guard, so I went to chat with the engineer. Shortly into our talk, from somewhere close behind me, came a female voice.

“Good afternoon,” she said, with the faintest of accents. “Do you by any chance speak English?”

I whirled around to see a young Chinese woman—tall, pretty, smartly dressed, smiling. Yes, I said.

She glanced at her watch. “Good,” she said. “This train will be here for 23 more minutes. Do you know anything about Anthony Trollope?”

It was hardly the question I was expecting, in a Chinese desert, and voiced by this delightful-looking woman. But I did know Trollope: His novels about Victorian life and politics had once been a favorite.

Yes, I said, I think I do.

“Excellent,” she said. “In that case”—and she consulted her wrist again—“for 22 minutes, can we please discuss his work?”

However stunned I might have been, there was something about her manner that compelled me to do as she asked. So, struggling with my memories of his books, I told her what I knew, she nodding and smiling all the while. Until, suddenly, a whistle blew. “Quick,” she said, pushing me back on board, “your train is going. You must get on.”

But no, I spluttered, as if waking from a reverie. Who are you? I asked. And then I said some pretty foolish things. You are wonderful. I must see you again. Don’t leave. Just tell me who you are.

“Don’t be so silly,” she said. “I’m no one.” The train was moving now, and I tossed a business card out of the window. I saw her scrabbling in the sand for it. Then the train lurched around a bend—and she was gone. The desert took over. It was as if she never existed. She was a chimera, a ghost.

“Amazing people, the Chinese,” grunted George as I told him the story. I dreamed of her for the rest of the day and night. But then we crossed into Kazakhstan and spent the next two months in Siberia, and she became just a half-remembered amazement. Until, that is, I returned to my apartment in Hong Kong. There, in an impeccable hand, was a letter from her. 

Dear Mr. Winchester, it began. My name is Xing Yong Zhen. I am 34 years old, and I am the girl you met in Kuytun. Maybe you remember me?

How could I forget?

I used to be a teacher. I am married to a Party official, and we have a son. Two years ago we were sent to live in this town in the desert. It is a horrible place —dirty, drab, and worst of all, no one speaks English. English is my first love.  I felt my mind was going to die.

A year ago they built the railway line. Even though it is miles away, every Tuesday and Thursday I ride my bicycle across the desert and wait for the train to arrive. I knock on every window and ask: Do you speak English? Sometimes people say hello or a few words.

Today I saw a tall man. I asked him if he spoke English and you said yes. Did you know about Trollope, I asked, and you did. For half an hour—I just can’t tell you what I feel. It was as though I was flying. And then she asked: Could we write to one another?

We became distant friends, though entirely platonically, it seems proper to say. I gave her an English name, Laura. We even met once, when she came to Xi’an.

Then, after five years, one of my letters came back to me: Address Unknown. I telephoned and got a terse recording: The number you called does not exist. She had become a chimera all over again.

It was only when I sat down to write this memory of Laura that I realized why, beyond the sentimental, she had come to seem so important. For me, she sums up what China has lately become. Laura reminds us that her country is no longer the closed, myopic place it was—arrogant in its superiority and separateness. She and millions like her are of a generation that wants to know about us.

Over the years, I have made friends with other men and women I can only call “the new Chinese.” There’s Gordon Cui, a brilliant engineer from Shanghai whom 20 years ago I helped come to America to earn a Ph.D. and whom I rediscovered entirely by chance when he turned up delivering Chinese food to my apartment. I was astonished. But he had a good reason. He had gotten his degree and found a fine daytime job, but he now wanted to earn every dollar he could so that he could return to China. “My dream has changed,” he said. “I think the torch has been passed to China, and I want to go back there, to be part of this new future.”

And Freda Yu, an interpreter who came with me in 1995 when I was traveling the Yangtze River: She is in Beijing, rising rapidly as a marketer. She recently said, “We Chinese look outward all the time, and the difference is amazing.” She hopes that Westerners will learn her customs and language and will come to admire her people, too. With hundreds of thousands of visitors coming for the Olympics, her wishes may start to come true.

As for Laura herself—is she happy? Is she free? I don’t know. Yet somehow, I feel from what I know of her remarkable personality, she will be okay. Just like China, her country. Yes, I reassure myself: She got through the bad times, and now, I feel more certain as the years go on, she will be just fine.

Simon Winchester is the author of 21 books, including the best-selling “The Professor and the Madman.” His latest book is “The Man Who Loved China.”

Mon, 15 Sep 2008

 

　　1965年，姿苯主儀国家为了学习ネ土会主儀国家的长处，克服自身发展的困难，曾聚集美国费城召开过一次震撼全球的“世界姿苯主儀大会”，并发表《资本家宣言》提出： “借鉴会主儀人民当家作主的经验，实现股份制的人民姿苯主儀；借鉴ネ土会主儀福利制度的经验，实行从生到死包下来的福利姿苯主儀；借鉴ネ土会主儀计划经济的经验，实行国家干预的计划姿苯主儀。”（卞洪登：《资本运营方略》，改革出版社1997年版，第227页）

 

作者谢韬

　我们习惯称之为发达姿苯主儀的西方国家，都已成为新姿苯主儀，不同程度地民主ネ土会主儀化了。20世纪20年代以后，英、德、法、瑞典、挪威和美国纷纷出现全国性的劳资协调，以阶级妥协取代原先誓不两立的劳资对立，若干人士开始提倡用公共建设来解决失业问题，也就是说以国家的积极介入来解决市场经济失灵的危机。领导美国走出1929年世界经济危机的罗斯福总统就大胆引进了民主ネ土会主儀政策。

　　最近点算结果，美国参众两院有61名议员（全属民主党）是“美国民主ネ土会主儀”的会员。美国民主党的经济理念，植根于马克思和凯恩斯的经济思想，主张政府引导市场经济，适度的国有化，实行全民医疗保险，政府办学校，减免穷人税收，提高福利，提高最低工资，更多地关怀弱势群体。共和党上台也不改变民主党的社会政策。民主ネ土会主儀把美国“赤化” 了。

　　民主ネ土会主儀最大的成就，就是在老姿苯主儀国家通过生产力的大发展和调节分配，基本上消灭了城乡差别、工农差别和体脑劳动的差别，铸就了民主ネ土会主儀的辉煌。这一成就使苏联模式的暴力ネ土会主儀黯然失色。这是促成苏联和东欧国家“和平演变”的根本原因。社会民主党人用团结资产阶级发展先进生产力的办法，实现了差别日益缩小的共同富裕。在民主ネ土会主儀国家已经没有农村和农民了。

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“结石宝宝”是国际反华势力挑起的又一次辱华事件，国外也有出现过食品卫生问题，为什么中国就不能有？ 为什么只指责中国自己？

无毒奶粉就能解决婴儿健康问题吗？ 那些从不喝奶粉的成人，也不照样存在很高结石发生率吗。所以说，西方式的无毒奶粉制度也解决不了结石问题。

别忘了别的国家奶粉工业发展了上百年，中国才几十年。中国的奶粉这些年还是在不断进步的，不能要求一步到位，做到无毒化只能采取渐进的方式，慢慢来才符合中国国情。

抵制或对抗三鹿只会使问题更复杂化，应该采取对话的方式，边喝三鹿奶粉边慢慢沟通。只有稳定才能发展奶粉，搞垮了三鹿奶粉，中国奶粉市场就会天下大乱，西方奶粉就会乘机占领中国。

从其他国家的奶粉发展过程来看，都毫无例外的要经过一个由含各种杂质的不纯奶粉到完全无毒奶粉的一个逐渐纯化过程。给中国人灌输从小就要喝无毒健康奶粉的思想，实际上是西方企图摧毁中国的奶粉企业的一个大阴谋，中国的奶粉企业还很弱小，无毒化还需要一个过程，如果采用西方标准，一年回收7000吨毒奶粉都回收不完，中国奶粉工业还能发展强大吗？

西方奶粉企业也是强大了以后，才采用发现问题就召回的做法。你以为三鹿不想给中国人喝好奶粉吗？现阶段还做不到啊。中国人应该有大局观，应该先喝几十年的毒奶粉，牺牲一两代人，等三鹿迅速强大能和西方企业抗衡以后，再逐步生产无毒奶粉供应婴儿，如果那时候还有婴儿的话。

东西方国情不同，人的素质也不一样。中国绝不能全盘照喝西方式的无毒奶粉。西方国家人口少，奶粉不加毒也够他们喝得了，中国人口这么多，如果不加毒，全盘西化纯奶粉的方式，那把全世界的公牛都挤出奶来，也不够中国人喝的。

虽然三鹿奶粉有毒，但三鹿奶粉解决了中国数亿婴幼儿的吃饭问题，历史上谁能做得到？

最后呼吁一下，反华势力抵制中国三鹿奶粉，最终受害的还是广大婴儿们，中国爱国者们都应团结起来，立场鲜明的集体狂喝三鹿奶粉。

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每年夏天的高考季节，高考的本身也又成了媒体报道和讨论的话题。从表面上看，我们应该承认中国是尊重知识的，各级政府为了考生能够考出好成绩也做了许多工作，从交通管制禁止鸣号到其他各种便利考生的措施。但从各地的高考录取分数线上看，似乎又不是这样。因为知识和成绩并不重要，重要的是考生的户口之所在。

中国的很多事实在不能细想，如果一个有点血性的人想细想中国的事，对身体有害，因为社会上太多的不公平使你你会一直有一口气急冲脑门的感觉。高考录取分数线的不平等是其中之一。

我觉得教育界的许多问题都是中国一些大的社会问题在一个局部的反映而已。高考录取分数线的不平等是对户口制度的一种注解：户口是实在太重要了。如果你是京沪等大城市的考生，你不必像中小城市或农村考生那样努力也照样可以念很好的学校。外地考生只能怪自己投错了胎。外省的考生，尤其是农村的考生在学习的资源上远远不及城市里的考生，但目前的录取分数线是要让资源处于劣势的外省考生要比京沪等的考生加倍的努力才能考上较好的学校.对那些刚刚出道的学生来讲是残酷的.为了安抚城市人口（由于中国的户口制度，我看农村人口根本上可以说是“非公民”），这次北京和山东相比，本科第一批文理科的录取分数线各差120分左右。我想制定这政策的人一定想：反正农村人口素质低,也闹不起来。

因为中国的法律是光有立法，而没有执法。立法是纯粹为了做秀而往往不靠虑执法的可能性，所以，你可以看到社会上无数的事和法律上说的是两回事。中华人民共和国教育法第九条规定“中华人 民共 和国公民有受教育的权利和义务。公民不分民族、种族、性别、职业、财产状况、宗教信仰等，依法享有平等的受教育机会。”但我从来也没有听到上面那些受到不平等分数线的考生出来说：嘿，你们这样做是违法的，我要告你们。

在谈中国教育变味这个题材时，我总觉得我们应该跳出就事论事的办法，而从一个较高的高度来看这个问题。近年来，中美的许多交锋都是围绕着“人权”问题，中国认为自己的人权问题是有大大改善，但美国认为中国的人权还有很多问题。我不想进入美国用人权大棒压制中国的话题，但有一点是明显的：中国和美国在此问题上的理解是不同的。

受高等教育，在中国是一个特权，是“劳动人民辛辛苦苦培养大学生”这么一个概念，是有国家支持的一种权利，国家是可以把这中权利给与它偏爱的社会人群。而在美国是一种人人应有的权利，我用了这个权利是我自己的事，无须感谢“劳动人民的培养”，因为是我或我的父母交了税或学费，要感谢，我也只有感谢我父母。因为是一种公民的权利，而不是特权，国家也只能提供方便大家获得教育，国家是公民所用的。在这种框架下，事情变的很简单。

在中国,接受教育,尤其是高等教育是一种特权,国家可以有权利选择享受这种特权的对象,这个过程往往是以歧视一类人,保护另一批人来达到的.而且,这种歧视也是以明目张胆的方法进行的，除了不平等的分数线,国内的“全国普通高校招生体检标准”也是一种歧视,这种标准在美国是绝对不可能出现的，因为政府也没有这么大的胆。只要有一个残疾人故意试一下，被拒绝后，马上可以成为一个“张三对美国政府”的案子（类似题目的案子多极了），想免费为张三出头的人多着呢。中国的“全国普通高校招生体检标准”如果有人能在公平的法律体系下打一场官司的话,它很明显是和"中华人民共和国教育法"的精神相违背的.它也使人想起纳粹的那一套东西.

“全国普通高校招生体检标准”中规定不能入学的很多情况是要再体检以后才能查出的.在美国,用的是知难而退的办法:学校不能拒绝任何人,只要考试成绩够,其他的操行符合标准,你都可以来.但是如果你自己有身体问题吃不消,那是你本人的事.

美国在残障人保护上的法律依据是"残障美国人法案"(Americans with Disabilities Act),让残障人能自食其力,参加正常人的一切社会活动,包括读大学.所有的学校都规定,不可以用残障,种族,肤色,国籍,性别,性倾向和年龄理由歧视申请的学生.学校并用各种设施来方便有残疾的学生.所有的建筑都有轮椅出专用道,自动门,电梯,图书馆有专门的放大阅读器,另外,学校里还有一些公用电话是用键盘输入的以供有听力障碍的学生使用.说句实话,这个弄法,学校的成本很大,而用的人也不多,但那个法律在那里,只要有一个人提出异议,这个学校还不给告死?因为在美国弱势人群的社会力量有时因为有法律和各种民权团体的撑腰而变得实在太大.

按照2000年人口普查,美国有重度残疾的人约有两千六百万.美国学校里的学生中有重度残废的人,我没有具体的统计资料.但我在校园里看到的残疾学生是比比皆是.我们学校里就曾经有一个全盲的学生.每天牵着一个导盲犬,到处走.有一次,他的价值八千多美元的特殊计算机给盗了,报上写了一篇文章呼吁大家给他捐款,说他如何不易.至于瘫痪坐轮椅的更多,有些是全瘫,我看到最厉害的光是嘴巴部分能动的,说话也有障碍,但他用一个用嘴部肌肉控制的轮椅,在学校到处走.

相比中国连身强力壮的人都在光天化日之下被剥夺了自己的权利,有残障的人更不用说了.没有大家想一下,每个人都有软弱的时候,为什么一定要到了自己有亲身体会的时候,才知道这个社会是多么的冷酷?残障人士的保护并不局限在给予他们平等的受教育权利,整个社会对这个问题的关注才是解决这个问题的关键.

中国的教育界的确是疾重难返,但问题的根源还是大社会的形势所迫.另外一个问题是目前商业之上的风气盛行,只要是和商业和计算机有关,就是进步,其他的东西好像都不用管了,连乱世英雄吕不韦说经商的好处的一席话,听上去好像是一个中国贸易部官员说WTO的好处一样.过分重视一个狭窄的领域对一个社会来说是太短视了.而且,我觉得很有才气的人去念这种学科实在是浪费,因为实在是有太多的复杂领域要人们去探索.如果人人都是MBA,对一个社会来讲,只能说是可悲和可怕的.

这又不得不是我们思考:教育的意义是什么?美国总统罗斯福的太太爱莲娜写了一本书叫:好公民:教育的目的.对于一个民主自由的国家来说,教育的目的只有一个:培养有良好品德的公民!其他的比如知识的积累,独立思考能力,创新精神等只是一个好公民应该具备的一些品质而已.因为,只有好的公民,民主的精神才能真正地得到执行,社会的公义才能伸张.但如果一个博学多才的人的品行低下,他再有高的智商,他能够更有效地作歼犯科而已,并给社会带来更多的灾难,历史上的例子可是多得很.

共.产.主义虽然是一个理想,但一个美好的社会首先应该是一个公平的社会,一个有道德的社会,一个教育体制下如果培养了大量的所谓高才生,但是连起码的公德都不顾,他们也就不可能为广大的老百姓谋福利,他们的最大目的也就是用自己的聪明来获得最大的个人利益罢了.这样,对其他人来讲,是灾难性的.不幸的是,我们中的每一个人在一生中总有成为"其他人"的机会,因为有太多得有知识的人,为了自己的私欲可以不顾他人的死活.

中国实在是太需要用教育来提高人们的品德.在一个社会中,要让每个人都能够有良好的操行,除了用法律约束以外,大致有两个办法:一是宗教(让人感到头上三尺有神明),二是教育.在中国这么一个无神论的国家,就只有一个办法:教育.

大家可能知道一个寓言,说是有两个人在深林里走,遇到一只老虎,其中一人马上蹲下来系鞋带,另一人问:你要想跑过老虎吗? 第一个人说,我只要跑过你就可以了.在一个社会环境中,除非你可以保证你永远坚强而没有软弱的时候,否则你应该希望这个社会是一个大家能互相提携,共同前进的社会.如果,你认为我们应该在教育上向学生灌输社会达尔文主义,不计手段勇着胜.那么,社会上的绝大部分人会最终受其害.这样的社会,是可怕的.

"Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:

We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end as well as a beginning--signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge--and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens . . . (and) let the oppressed go free."

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are-- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own."

1970年世界各国（地区）GDP总值排名（除苏联外，按当时汇率）  
01----美国--------1,0255亿美元  
02----日本----------2068亿美元  
03----西德----------2037亿美元  
04----法国----------1470亿美元  
05----英国----------1236亿美元  
06---意大利---------1077亿美元  
07---加拿大----------851亿美元  
08--澳大利亚---------429亿美元  
09---墨西哥----------396亿美元  
10---西班牙----------390亿美元  
11----瑞典-----------357亿美元  
12----荷兰-----------351亿美元  
13----中国-----------272亿美元 ★★★★★  


1980年世界各国（地区）GDP总值排名（除苏联外，按当时汇率）  
01----美国---------2,7956亿美元  
02----日本---------1,0279亿美元  
03----西德-----------8261亿美元  
04----法国-----------6824亿美元  
05----英国-----------5367亿美元  
06---意大利----------4546亿美元  
07----中国-----------3015亿美元 ★★★★★  
08---加拿大----------2689亿美元  
09---西班牙----------2218亿美元  
10---阿根廷----------2090亿美元  


1990年世界各国（地区）GDP总值排名（除苏联外，按当时汇率）  
01----美国---------5,8033亿美元  
02----日本---------3,0522亿美元  
03----德国---------1,5470亿美元  
04----法国---------1,2198亿美元  
05---意大利--------1,1045亿美元  
06----英国-----------9946亿美元  
07---加拿大----------5827亿美元  
08---西班牙----------5115亿美元  
09----巴西-----------4650亿美元  
10----中国-----------3878亿美元 ★★★★★  


1995年世界各国（地区）GDP总值排名（按当时汇率）  
数据参考http://www.eia.doe.gov/pub/international/iealf/tableb2.xls  
01----美国---------7,4005亿美元  
02----日本---------5,2929亿美元  
03----德国---------2,4166亿美元  
04----法国---------1,5257亿美元  
05----英国---------1,1032亿美元  
06---意大利--------1,0661亿美元  
07----中国-----------7006亿美元 ★★★★★  
08----巴西-----------6756亿美元  
09---加拿大----------5760亿美元  
10---西班牙----------5709亿美元  


2000年世界各国（地区）GDP总值排名（按当时汇率）  
01----美国---------9,8247亿美元  
02----日本---------4,7661亿美元  
03----德国---------1,8752亿美元  
04----英国---------1,4409亿美元  
05----法国---------1,3133亿美元  
06----中国---------1,0808亿美元 ★★★★★  
07---意大利--------1,0776亿美元  
09---加拿大----------7242亿美元  
08----巴西-----------5998亿美元  
10---墨西哥----------5814亿美元  


参考：2005年世界全部经济体GDP（美元，现价）  

美国 124550.67亿美元  
日本 46638.22亿美元  
德国 27301.09亿美元  
中国 22288.62亿美元  
英国 22275.50亿美元  
法国 19727.24亿美元 
意大利 17096.68亿美元 
加拿大 10345.32亿美元 
西班牙 10190.24亿美元 
印度 7198.19亿美元 
韩国 7142.19亿美元 
墨西哥 6929.61亿美元 
俄罗斯 6718.15亿美元 
巴西 5877.84亿美元 
荷兰 5813.18亿美元 
瑞士 3669.86亿美元 
比利时 3503.26亿美元 
土耳其 3632.99亿美元  
瑞典 3541.15亿美元  
中国台湾 3459.28亿美元 
沙特阿拉伯 3097.78亿美元  
奥地利 3045.26亿美元  
波兰 2991.50亿美元  
印度尼西亚 2872.16亿美元  
挪威 2839.20亿美元  
丹麦 2544.00亿美元  
南非 2401.51亿美元  
希腊 2136.97亿美元  
爱尔兰 1963.87亿美元  
伊朗 1963.42亿美元  
芬兰 1931.75亿美元  
阿根廷 1833.09亿美元  
中国香港 1777.21亿美元  
泰国 1766.02亿美元  
葡萄牙 1730.85亿美元  
委内瑞拉 1388.56亿美元

 

 

2006年

 

01----美国--------132216.85亿美元--面积--982.66万Km2--人口--30053万--人均-43995美元
02----日本---------49113.62亿美元--面积---37.78万Km2--人口--12746万--人均-38533美元
03----德国---------28582.34亿美元--面积---35.70万Km2--人口---8242万--人均-34679美元
04----中国------26847.05亿美元-面积-959.70万Km2-人口-131457万-人均-2042美元
05----英国---------23413.71亿美元--面积---24.48万Km2--人口---6060万--人均-38636美元
06----法国---------21537.46亿美元--面积---54.70万Km2--人口---6088万--人均-35377美元
07---意大利--------17839.59亿美元--面积---30.12万Km2--人口---5813万--人均-30689美元
08---加拿大--------10889.37亿美元--面积--998.47万Km2--人口---3310万--人均-32898美元
09---西班牙--------10812.29亿美元--面积---50.48万Km2--人口---4040万--人均-26763美元
10----印度----------8000.00亿美元--面积--328.76万Km2--人口-109535万--人均---723美元
11----韩国----------7684.58亿美元--面积----9.85万Km2--人口---4885万--人均-15731美元 （人口密度480左右）
=========================

以下是世界人口超过5000万的23个国家的人口密度排名，各国的人口数量根据2006年联合国的统计数据（部分国家取2005年的统计数据） （博主注：韩国人口4XXX万，不足5000W所以并不在下面排名表中，但实际人口密度达到了488（03年数据），而中国只有138人/km2。韩国历史上不但古代一直是中国的属国，受着欺辱（比如明朝，好几次被要求送XXX名处女进贡），而且近代和现代（现代是1919年五四运动开始49年结束）同样被日本奴役，直到50年代正式独立后，经济开始腾飞。）

1.孟加拉国--人口--14737万--面积---14.40万Km2--人口密度---1023人/ Km2

2.日本--人口--12762万--面积---37.78万Km2--人口密度—338人/ Km2

3.印度--人口-109535万--面积--328.76万Km2--人口密度---333人/ Km2

4.菲律宾--人口---8947万--面积---30.00万Km2--人口密度—298人/ Km2

5.越南--人口---8440万--面积---32.96万Km2--人口密度---256人/ Km2

6.英国--人口---6060万--面积---24.48万Km2--人口密度--248人/ Km2

7.德国--人口---8245万--面积---35.70万Km2--人口密度--231人/ Km2

8.巴基斯坦--人口--16580万--面积---80.39万Km2--人口密度---206人/ Km2

9.意大利--人口---5813万--面积---30.12万Km2--人口密度--193人/ Km2

10.尼日利亚--人口--13186万---面积92.38万Km2--人口密度---143人/ Km2

11.中国--人口-132256万--面积--959.70万Km2—人口密度—138人/ Km2

12.印度尼西亚--人口--24545万--面积--191.94万Km2--人口密度—128人/ Km2

13.泰国--人口---6463万--面积---51.40万Km2--人口密度--126人/ Km2

14.法国--人口---6088万--面积---54.70万Km2--人口密度--111人/ Km2

15.土耳其--人口---7041万--面积---78.06万Km2--人口密度--90人/ Km2

16.埃及--人口---7889万--面积--100.15万Km2--人口密度--79人/ Km2

17.埃塞俄比亚--人口--7740万--面积—110.36万Km2--人口密度—70人/ Km2

18.墨西哥--人口--10745万--面积--197.26万Km2--人口密度—54人/ Km2

19.伊朗--人口---7005万--面积--164.80万Km2--人口密度--42人/ Km2

20.美国--人口--30071万--面积--982.66万Km2--人口密度---31人/ Km2

21.刚果（金）--人口--6076万--面积—234.48万Km2--人口密度—26人/ Km2

22.巴西--人口--18808万--面积--851.20万Km2--人口密度—22人/ Km2

23.俄罗斯--人口--14289万--面积-1707.52万Km2--人口密度—8人/ Km2

 （博主注：日本全国多山地少平原，森林覆盖率67%，人口密度338人/Km2，是中国的2.5倍。地处亚欧板块和太平洋板块交界处， 且处于环太平洋火山地震带，地震频繁。08年5月15日发生的7.2级地震（浅源地震，地下9KM处。汶川8级，地下19KM处），没有一人因为建筑物倒塌而死亡。而前不久云南的5.0级地震，却有学校倒塌，所幸是早上5点学校没上课）

这23个国家之中，目前采用带强制性的限制生育措施的国家，只有排第11位的中国和第5位的越南。中国是限制每对夫妇生1胎以内（只有部分情况下可以生第2胎），越南是限制每对夫妇生2胎以内。

值得注意的是，以338人/ Km2的人口密度高居23国中第2位的日本，不但没有采取限制生育的措施，还在积极鼓励生育。日本是一个在人类历史上创造过许多奇迹的国家，在如此高的人口密度之下，日本不但不把人口当作发展的负担，反而当作一种不够用的资源，这是值得各人口大国深思的现象。

刚去看了木乃伊3，免费的~

前面2部没去影院看过，这次本来就打算去，结果恰好有免费的看，很好！这里首先要感谢下某位同学，我现在还在蹭用他的手机，惭愧啊惭愧-_-!!!

自从上次在星美看了《功夫熊猫》以来，一直对其画面的干净锐利念念不忘，这次运气没这么好了，胶片的，而且放映机明显没调试好……不过既然是免费的就不计较了。故事的是要发生地，是“中国西南的雪山”和“香格里拉”，当主角们进入雪山的那个场景出现的时候，内心小小地震动了下。既熟悉又陌生的雪山。熟悉的是，我一个多月前刚从梅里雪山和香格里拉旅游回来；陌生的是，片中的雪山，形状很陌生，而且雪，比我去的雪山多得多。当然夏季的雪山，难免雪会少很多。当时有一个念头很强烈地在我心中飘荡：我一定也要去爬雪山！

 

后来一个场景让我想起了国内第一步“大片”---《英雄》。英雄开创的“箭阵”万箭齐发，在木乃伊3里面又一次出现了，不过这次出现已经完全没有感觉了~~

 

哦，最后说一句，梅里，香格里拉，我还会再来的！